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It is not uncommon to hear the claim that the Vikings practiced human sacrifice, and evidence supports that the practice existed. But how prevalent was it among the ancient warriors, and in what situations was it considered appropriate or desirable? This article will discuss the literary, visual, and archaeological evidence for the practice of human sacrifice among the Vikings.Sacrifices to the GodsWoodcut of the pagan temple at Uppsala according to the description by Adam of Bremen, in Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus, 1555. Source: Lars Henriksson CollectionIt is important to remember that the Vikings were not a unified people who followed a single religious canon. They were divided into many groups, identifying with their local tribe led by a local chief. It took centuries for them to form into the larger nations that we are familiar with today. The people we call Vikingspeople from Scandinavia who also settled in other parts of Europe such as Iceland, Greenland, England, and Russiashared language, cultural practices, and religious beliefs, but it is important to note that they were not a homogenous people. What happened in one place may not have happened in another.That said, religious rituals in many ancient pagan cultures involved blood sacrifices, usually of animals. We know that the Vikings made animal sacrifices to their gods from several sources. The best description probably comes from the Saga of Hakon the Good, written by Snorri Sturluson in the early 13th century.He explains how an earl named Sigurd was known for being diligent in his sacrifices and always presided over sacrifices at festivals. He says that during festivals, the people of the area would come together and bring with them animals, such as cattle and horses, for sacrifice. The animals were killed, their blood let, and collected in special vessels. Brushes were then used to sprinkle the blood over the altar and temple walls. The meat from the animals was used in the festival feast, with modest portions offered to the gods (Saga of Hakon the Good, 16).While this passage makes no mention of human sacrifice, that does not mean that it did not take place. However, it does probably indicate that human sacrifice was a relatively rare phenomenon, reserved for special occasions or circumstances.Human Sacrifices to OdinReconstruction of a scene on a tapestry from Oseberg ship burial showing human sacrifices hanging from trees, Norway, c. 9th century CE. Source: Wikimedia CommonsThe Romans, no strangers to animal sacrifice, recorded that the Germanic tribes they encountered, considered ancestors of the Vikings, made human sacrifices to their chief god. The historian Tacitus, writing in the 1st century CE, calls this principal god Mercury, using the name of a familiar Roman god to identify Odin. Tacitus implies that he is the only god who demands human sacrifices, suggesting that the other chief gods, Thor identified as Hercules, and Tyr identified as Mars, accepted more usual sacrifices.Later accounts also suggest that human sacrifice took place on certain occasions during the Viking Age. The German bishop Thietmar Merseburg, writing between 908 and 1018, records that Vikings met at Lejre in Zeeland every nine years in January and sacrificed 99 humans to the gods, alongside an equal number of horses, dogs, and hens or hawks.This story is matched by another Christian author, a monk called Adam of Bremen, writing in 1072. He records a similar tradition at Gammel Uppsala in Sweden, where there was a temple of Thor, Odin, and Freyr. He said that they met every nine years to ensure the goodwill of the gods by sacrificing nine males of all kinds, including dogs, horses, and humans. They were all hung from trees around the sanctuary grove.Both of these authors were Christians reporting on things that they had heard that the barbaric Vikings did, and not things that they had seen themselves. But elements of their accounts ring true. The number nine was sacred to the Vikings and appeared in many of their myths. Hanging victims from trees also seems to be a likely ritual. Odin famously hung himself from the world tree Yggdrasil for nine days and nights while pierced by his own spear to learn the secrets of the runes, which he then shared with mankind.Detail of a human sacrifice from a Stora Hammars Runestone, Sweden, c. 7th century CE. Source: Wikimedia CommonsOne of the Stora Hammars runestones from Sweden, probably dating to the 7th century CE, also appears to depict such a scene. In the middle, it shows a person who appears to be being sacrificed on an altar. Overhead, there is a large bird of prey, assumed to be a raven, a bird sacred to Odin. To the left is another person who appears to have a noose around their neck and is hanging from a tree. If this is a scene of human sacrifice, it aligns closely with the above stories.Nevertheless, both of these accounts are often taken with a grain of salt because they are also full of Christian criticism of the practice. While Adam of Bremen acknowledges that the purpose of the ritual was purification, he also describes the bodies as hanging promiscuously and refers to the gods as demons. Reading through cultural perspective is always a challenge when analyzing comments made by members of one culture about another.Human Sacrifice in the SagasDrawing of King Aun of Sweden sending his 10th son away to be sacrificed, by Erik Werenskiold, 1899. Source: University of VictoriaWhile the descriptions are less detailed, there are also references to human sacrifice in the Norse sagas, mostly written by Christian Vikings after conversion, but drawing on older Norse texts.The Heimskingla, written in the early 13th century, records how King Aun of Sweden, when he was 60 years old, went to Uppsala and sacrificed his son to Odin, and in return, he would live for another 60 years. He then returned to Uppsala and sacrificed another one of his sons. He was told by Odin that he would receive another ten years for every son he sacrificed. He continued making the sacrifices even when he could no longer walk and was eventually bedbound. When he had sacrificed nine sons and still had one remaining, the Swedes would not let him make the final sacrifice because it was his time to die. While this is a fanciful but grizzly story, it seems to confirm an association between Odin and human sacrifice.In the Ynglinga Saga, we meet the Swedish King Domalde, whose lands were suffering from bad harvests and starvation. Initially, the people sacrificed oxen at the temple at Uppsala, but nothing improved. The next year they sacrificed men, but the harvest was even worse. In the third year, they decide to sacrifice the king himself and sprinkle his blood on the statues of the gods. Good harvests returned to the people, and the region was prosperous during the reign of his son. The Historiae Norwegiae verifies this story and adds the detail that he was hanged, like many of the victims in other stories.Drawing of the sacrifice of King Dolmade, by Erik Werenskiold, 1899. Source: University of VictoriaThis tradition of making human sacrifices in times of dire need may also be preserved in a Swedish fairytale. It recalls an epidemic that killed thousands of people and saw the churches abandoned. To stop the plague, they first buried a cock alive, and then a goat, to no avail. In the end, they buried a poor young boy alive in a grave, but the storyteller is not sure whether this had the desired effect.Evidence of this type of practice may also be preserved in the archaeological record. At Trelleborg in West Zealand, a Viking Age sacrificial site has been found, predating the fortress built there in 980/1. Human and animal bones, along with jewelry and other tools, were found in five wells, each around three meters deep. There were five human victims, four of them aged between four and seven. A small enclosure was also found nearby, which may have been used for the ritual preparation of the victims. This seems to parallel the story of the poor Swedish boy.It also seems significant that the victims were interred in wells, which were sacred to the Vikings. The world tree Yggdrasil was believed to be fed by three wells, the boiling well, the well of fate, and the well of wisdom. Odin plucked out his own eye as a sacrifice to drink from the well of wisdom. Therefore, a well may have been considered a very fitting place for human sacrifice.Human Sacrifice Observed as Funerary RitualsPrincess Olga looking at her dead husband Prince Igor of the Kyivan Rus Vikings, by Vasily Surikov, 1915. Source: Wikimedia CommonsIn addition to the context of sacrifices to the gods, human sacrifice is also mentioned among the Vikings in relation to funerary practices. It is suggested that slaves, who were common in the Viking world, were often sacrificed and buried alongside their masters when they died.The principal evidence comes from an Arab scholar and traveler called Ibn Fadlan, who was traveling in the early 10th century. He met a group of Rus, who were closely related to the Swedish Vikings, living on the Volga River. He recalls witnessing the funerary rituals for a dead chief, which involved the sacrifice of a slave girl to be burned beside him.He describes rituals to prepare the girl, which included giving her intoxicating drinks and being raped by six men. He then says that four men held her down by her hands and feet next to the body of the dead chief. The presiding priestess, known as the Angel of Death, then wrapped a cord around her neck and gave the ends to another two men. She then proceeded to stab the girl in the ribs with a knife while they strangled her until she was dead. She was then burned on the funeral pyre alongside her master.While this is a graphic firsthand account, on their own, the exact details cannot be trusted to be completely accurate. As an outsider, it is highly likely that Ibn Fadlan did not understand everything he saw, and he may also have had his own reasons to make the people he encountered seem other and barbaric. At the very end of the section discussing this ritual, he says that one of the Rus called the Arabs fools for burying rather than burning their dead, which again highlights this otherness.Human Sacrifices as Burial GoodsSigurd and Brynhilde, by C. Butler, 1909. Source: Wikimedia CommonsThe Norse sagas preserve stories of people choosing to die on the funeral pyres of their loved ones. When the god Balder died, his wife Nanna reportedly threw herself on his funeral pyre to join him. Similarly, in the Lay of Sigurd, when Brunhild caused the death of her love Sigurd, she said to ensure that his funeral pyre was big enough for the two of them. She also made other comments about the preparation of the pyre, including that slaves should be killed, with two placed at the feet of the dead man and two placed at his head.There is also evidence of this type of human sacrifice in the archaeological record. There are many examples of more than one body in a grave, such as the famous Oseberg ship burial that contained the bodies of two women. These may be examples of master and slave burials. However, there are also a few specific examples that seem to provide more concrete evidence.For example, a burial from the Vendel Era, just before the Viking Era between 550 and 800 CE, at Birka in Sweden is known as Elk Man. It is the grave of an older man buried with a spear, shield, arrows, and an elk antler next to him. Next to and partly on top of him is the skeleton of a decapitated younger man in a contorted position with his head next to him and no personal objects.Grave probably with beheaded slaves from Tommeide farm in Tomma. Source: University of OsloAnother grave discovered at Bollstanas in Sweden contains two decapitated men buried belly down with no significant materials. They are buried on top of a layer of burned material rich with burial goods and the body of a third man.At Flakstad in Norway, the remains of ten people have been found in multiple graves, and three of the bodies were decapitated. Analysis suggests differences between the decapitated individuals and the other people buried there. Analysis of carbon and nitrogen isotopes suggests that the decapitated individuals lived mainly on a diet of seafood, while the rest had a diet richer in land-based proteins such as meat and dairy products. This suggests a difference in social status between the different groups and could indicate slaves buried alongside their masters.Placing individuals in the ground alongside other dead may have made sense in the Viking context. According to Odins Law, anything burned on a funeral pyre or personally placed into the ground could be taken into the afterlife (Ynglinga saga, 8). This is why burial goods were common in graves, as they were things that a person could use in the next life. It may have been believed that slaves could continue to serve. In addition, since the Vikings believed that only great warriors could make it to Valhalla, being buried with a great chief may sometimes have been an attractive prospect, as they could take you to Valhalla with them.

Some of the earliest surviving poetry from Post-Roman Britain is about the Battle of Catraeth. This is principally known from a poem entitled Y Gododdin, which appears to date back to c. 600 and is attributed to the late-6th/early-7th-century poet Aneirin. The Battle of Catraeth was remembered as a tragedy since it was a crushing defeat for the Britons. According to some theories, this battle can actually be identified with a battle recorded by Bede, the Battle of Degsastan. Bede attributes this battle to King Aedan of Dal Riada. Can these two battles really be identified as the same event?Why Might King Aedan Have Been Involved in the Battle of Catraeth?Depiction of a raid by Irish warriors from The Image of Irelande, John Derrick, 1581. Source: Wikimedia CommonsAedan mac Gabran was the king of the Irish kingdom of Dal Riada, which encompassed much of western Scotland and parts of Ireland and was one of the most powerful kingdoms of 6th-century Britain. Aedan himself is known to have extended his military power quite widely. For instance, he is recorded as engaging in battle as far north as the Orkneys. Furthermore, there are records of him fighting against the Anglo-Saxons of Northumbria.Aedan ruled from 574 until about 609. At that time, the kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira were growing in power. Under the reign of Athelfrith, which lasted from 593 to 616, the two kingdoms were united and became the kingdom of Northumbria. How does this historical background have a bearing on the Battle of Catraeth, known from Welsh poetry?Jesus College MS 111, folio 141r, showing Morgant, that is, Morgan Mawr ap Sadyrnin, Aedans allied king, c. 1382-1425. Source: Bodleian Libraries, OxfordAs already mentioned, the kingdom of Dal Riada was very powerful. Likewise, Northumbria was one of the most powerful Anglo-Saxon kingdoms and also the northernmost of those kingdoms. Although Dal Riada was even further north by quite some distance, they were close enough that conflict between them was possible. Not only was it possible, but it actually happened, according to Bede.Even more significantly, Welsh records attest to Aedans alliances with several British kings. For example, in the Panton MS 51, we find the claim that Aedan had an alliance with Morgan Mawr ap Sadyrnin (possibly Morgan ap Athrwys, historically associated with an abbot named Saturnus). That same document claims that he was also allied to King Gwenddoleu. An earlier source, the poem Peirian Vaban, supports this by placing Aedan at the Battle of Arderydd of 573, at which Gwenddoleu fought.The Battle of Catraeth was a major battle against Bernicia and Deira involving British warriors from numerous kingdoms, including as far north as the Brythonic kingdom centered on Din Eidyn (Edinburgh). Given these facts, it is entirely plausible to expect Aedan to have been involved in the Battle of Catraeth.What Was the Battle of Degsastan?King Athelfrith of Northumbria, by Patrick Nicolle, c. 20th century. Source: Fine Art AmericaWhile the facts above make Aedans presence at the Battle of Catraeth plausible, can we identify it specifically with the Battle of Degsastan? Well, let us consider what we know about this battle. Bede mentions it in his Ecclesiastical History of the English People, written in c. 731. In his overview of the reign of Athelfrith, king of Northumbria, he mentions that he put the Britons to flight more than any other Anglo-Saxon king. He then goes on to mention the Battle of Degsastan, in which Athelfrith defeated a massive army brought against him by Aedan of Dal Riada. It was such a crushing defeat that the Scots (that is, the Irish) are said to have never again come down from the north to attack the English.The fact that Bede specifically mentions this battleand only this battlein his overview of Athelfriths reign suggests that this was the most notable battle that occurred in the career of that king.Evidence That the Battle of Catraeth Was the Battle of DegsastanJesus College MS 111, folio 141r, showing Urien Rhegeds name in the center, c. 1382-1425. Source: Bodleian Libraries OxfordIn line with this, the Battle of Catraeth certainly seems to have been a massively important battle. We can discern this from the fact that the Y Goddodin poem mentions warriors from all over the north of Britain. One of them is Geraint from the south, who was likely an attested figure from North Wales called Geraint Saer. On the other hand, the king said to have organized this battle was the ruler of Edinburgh, much further north. This shows the wide geographical spread from which the warriors involved in the battle were drawn. This clearly shows that it was a major event. Furthermore, preparations for the battle were said to have taken a whole year.With this in mind, recall that the Battle of Catraeth is dated to c. 600 by most scholars. This is partially based on the fact that Urien Rheged, the most prominent king of the north in his time, is not mentioned in Y Gododdin. This indicates that the Battle of Catraeth occurred after he had died. His death appears to have occurred in c. 593.Depiction of Bede dictating to a scribe, Gloucester Cathedral. Source: Wikimedia CommonsIf the Battle of Catraeth occurred in approximately the year 600, then what about the Battle of Degsastan? Bede tells us that Athelfrith ended the war against Aedan in the year 603. This is usually understood to be the year in which the Battle of Degsastan took place, but Bede does not actually state this. The war may have ended several years after that particularly crushing battle. In any case, we can see that the Battle of Degsastan must have occurred in 603 or a little earlier, which matches well with the date of the Battle of Catraeth.Bede specifically notes that Aedan brought a great and mighty army against Athelfrith. What are the odds that two massive armies were brought against Athelfrith at about the same time in unconnected events? This is especially unlikely when we recall that Aedan was allegedly allied to some Brythonic kings. Is it really plausible to imagine that Aedan did not participate in his allies Battle of Catraeth and then independently brought his own massive army against Athelfrith shortly afterward? It is not impossible, but it seems unlikely.Does Geography Rule Out This Connection?View of Liddesdale, the traditional but probably erroneous site of the Battle of Degsastan. Source: James T M Towill, via GeographOne obvious objection to this idea is that most scholars agree that the Battle of Catraeth occurred in Catterick, Yorkshire. This is based on the origin of the place name Catterick and the fact that this matches a plausible etymology of Catraeth. On the other hand, the Battle of Degsastan is traditionally held to have occurred in Dawstane, Liddesdale, on the southern border of Scotland.In reality, though, the true location of Degsastan is unknown, and scholars have raised strong objections to the identification with Dawstane. The name seems to mean Degsas Stone, which suggests that there was a prominent stone monument of some description at the site. This does not match Dawstane, but it arguably does match Catterick, at which there was formerly a 38-meter-wide Bronze Age cairn. Since a cairn was a large pile of stones, this might collectively be known as one big stone monument. Hence, this could arguably match Degsas Stone if it was associated with a person named Degsa.Evidence From the Irish AnnalsAnnals of Ulster, c. 16th century. Source: Medievalist.netOne more piece of evidence that should be highlighted is the fact that the Irish Annals record a certain Cath Raith (or Cath Ratha) in about 598 or 596. The exact date of this battle is variable across the different Irish annals. However, with this in mind, it is notable that the Annals of Tigernach records Aedans defeat at the hands of the Saxons in 598. Could Cath Raith be an Irish rendering of Catraeth, the name being mistakenly interpreted as the Battle of Raith?Arguing against this is the fact that the Annals of Tigernach records Cath Raith as a separate event from Aedans defeat. On the other hand, neither the Annals of Inisfallen nor the Annals of Ulster record Aedans defeat at the hands of the Saxons separately to Cath Raith. This allows for the possibility that the two events were identical. We should also bear in mind the fact that the war, as Bede implies, may have occurred over several years, with multiple battles being fought until c. 603.Was King Aedans Battle of Degsastan Identical to the Battle of Catraeth?Folio from Y Gododdin, contained in the Book of Aneirin, c. 1275. Source: Wikimedia CommonsIn conclusion, we can see that the Britons from the north and the Scots from Dal Riada are both recorded as raising a massive army against Athelfrith of Northumbria at about the same time. The fact that King Aedan is recorded as being allied to several British kings strongly hints at the possibility that his campaign against Athelfrith was actually part of the British campaign against him.Furthermore, we have seen that the traditional identification of Degsastan as Dawstane is unlikely, while a site in Catterick is a better match. We have also seen that the Irish annals speak about a battle that they called Cath Raith, which may have been a misinterpretation of Catraeth. Evidence from these annals potentially supports the conclusion that it can be identified as the battle in which Aedan was defeated by the Saxons. Even if the Battle of Catraeth was not precisely the same event as the Battle of Degsastan, it seems very likely that they were part of the same overall campaign against Athelfrith.

The ancient Britons were Celts, in as much as they were speakers of a Celtic language. How did the Celts arrive in Britain? Traditionally, scholars have understood that they arrived in Britain in approximately 600 or 500 BCE, during the European Iron Age. However, what is the basis for this conclusion, and does it really stand up to scrutiny? Is there any evidence of an invasion or even a generally peaceful migration? Or did the Celtic language spread to Britain much earlier in history, as far back as the Bronze Age?The Traditional Narrative of an Iron Age Celtic InvasionMap based on Herodotus description of the world, showing the Celts in Gaul/Iberia. Source: Wikimedia CommonsThe Celts first appear in historical sources in the writings of the ancient Greeks, starting in the 6th century BCE. These references place them in Gaul, in what is now France. They were also associated with Iberia from an early period. Although no ancient source explicitly refers to the Britons as Celts, there are a number of statements that show that this is what they were understood to have been. Furthermore, the primary common feature of the disparate groups referred to as Celts by the Greeks and Romans was their shared Celtic language family. The Britons belonged to the same language family.Researchers note that the earliest references to the Celts place them on the continent. Furthermore, there is no trace of mass migration out of Britain. Hence, the traditional idea is that the Celts migrated to Britain from Gaul in the Iron Age, in c. 600 to 500 BCE.An Alternative Bronze Age InvasionArtifacts from the Bell Beaker culture, Spain, c. 2800-2400 BCE. Source: Wikimedia CommonsHowever, in recent years, archaeologists have argued that there is no good evidence of a large-scale migration from the continent to Britain at the start of the Iron Age. For this reason, as historian Paul Elliott explained, archaeologists have looked further back in time for the evident Celtic invasion. One potential period is in the Early Bronze Age, when the Bell Beaker people arrived in Britain and replaced nearly all of the native population.Other archaeologists prefer a different period. They place the Celtic arrival in the Middle to Late Bronze Age, somewhere between 1550 and 750 BCE. A genetic study in 2021 demonstrated that there was a particularly notable influx of people from the continent in the period between 1000-875 BCE. They proposed this as a plausible vector for the arrival of early Celtic languages into Britain. In comparison, they found that there was relatively little genetic evidence of migration into Britain from the continent in the Iron Age.Evidence Against a Bronze Age OriginLarzac Tablet, displaying a valuable Gaulish inscription, c. 100 CE. Source: Wikimedia CommonsThis evidence for a Celtic invasion or migration into Britain in the Bronze Age has caused this theory to become quite popular. Nevertheless, it is not without its problems. As the Encyclopedia Britannica notes, the Insular Celtic languages, that is, the Celtic languages of the British Isles, display a number of characteristics that seem unique to the Celtic language family. Britannica then notes the following:Some scholars have argued that these features may have resulted from the presence of a large non-Celtic substratum in the British Isles. Because it is hardly likely that the Celtic invasions of those islands began much before 500 BCE or that the invaders exterminated the existing inhabitants, such a possibility cannot be denied.According to this quotation, the spread of Celtic languages to Britain is hardly likely to have begun before 500 BCE. One key reason is that ancient Brythonic and ancient Gaulish were very similar languages.A view of the south coast of Britain, looking towards Beachy Head, highlighting that ancient Britain was thoroughly separated from Gaul. Source: M.J. Richardson via GeographBrythonic was the Celtic language of the ancient Britons, while Gaulish was the Celtic language of the Gallic tribes of Gaul. A number of early Roman writers acknowledged that their languages were very similar. Although we do not have any extensive texts from pre-Roman Britain, some scholars believe that Brythonic in the 1st century BCE was mutually intelligible with Gaulish. Indeed, the statements of the Roman writers point in that direction.This being the case, is it really reasonable to conclude that the Celtic invasion or migration of Britain occurred as far back as c. 1000 BCE? Remember, Britain was not connected to Gaul by a land bridge. The common continental phenomenon of one language gradually transitioning into another one among neighboring countries would not have occurred. Although trade existed between Britain and Gaul, there was still an entire sea separating the common people.Consider how distinct Cornish and Welsh have become after the two peoples were separated in the 7th century CE. Surely, if Celtic languages were brought to Britain as early as 1000 BCE, they would have diverged significantly by the 1st century BCE.Evidence for an Iron Age MigrationSquare barrows at Pocklington from the Arras Culture. Source: Current ArchaeologyLet us return to the idea of an Iron Age Celtic invasion of Britain. Is it really true that there is no evidence of any substantial migration in this period? What does the latest research reveal about this topic?One famous example of Celtic culture in Iron Age Britain that appears to have resulted from an invasion or migration is the Arras Culture of Yorkshire. This culture used square grave barrows, many of which have been found with chariot burials. The practice of chariot burials is characteristic of the Le Tne Culture among the continental Celts of the Iron Age, starting in c. 500 BCE. The use of square barrows is also characteristic of the La Tene Celtic culture, even without the presence of a chariot.The earliest chariots found in the Arras Culture date to c. 400 BCE. Since this is after the earliest examples in Gaul, this naturally indicates that the culture was brought from Gaul to Britain.Huly Hill burial mound, in which the Newbridge chariot burial was found. Source: Wikimedia CommonsAs Oxford Reference states: The square barrow tradition in England has been characterized as a key part of the Arras Culture, which may have been introduced to eastern England by settlers from France.This archaeological evidence clearly points towards some type of migration, whether violent or not. However, it has usually not been considered good enough evidence for an Iron Age Celtic invasion of Britain. Why not? The answer is in Peter Elliotts comments, which were referenced earlier. While there is evidence for some migration, the Arras Culture was limited to only one part of Yorkshire.Significantly, recent research points to a different conclusion. As the Oxford Reference highlights, the square barrows are found mainly in Humberside and the East Riding of Yorkshire. An increasing number, however, are being recognized in other parts of England.Indeed, satellite imagery has found them as far south as Essex, while archaeology has revealed one chariot burial as far north as Newbridge, Scotland. Incidentally, this latter find is the earliest known chariot burial in Britain, dating to c. 450 BCE.Harmonizing With the Genetic EvidenceIllustration of a Celtic chariot burial. Source: Wikimedia CommonsBased on this evidence, some scholars today are arguing that Britains early Iron Age did, in fact, see a large-scale migration. One archaeologist argued that the first-generation immigrants may have arrived over a much larger area, but the practice of chariot burials only endured after that first generation in Yorkshires Arras Culture.The aforementioned genetic study indeed noted that there is less evidence of migration in Britain in the Iron Age compared to the Bronze Age. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the migration, which evidently did occur, could not have spread the language there. After all, the Roman invasion of Gaul did not actually involve a mass migration of Romans to the land, yet the language of the Romans ended up replacing Gaulish.Those engaging in chariot burials were of the elite class, not the common people or traders. Therefore, it is evident that those who brought the square barrow chariot burial culture to Britain must have been in positions of power. Consequently, even without substantially changing the genetics of Britain, they could have had a powerful impact on the language.Was There Really a Celtic Invasion of Britain?The Gaulish Coastguards, Jb ean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouy, 1888. Source: Musee dOrsayIn conclusion, what does the evidence really suggest regarding the Celtic invasion or migration to Britain? It is clear that this issue continues to be a controversial topic, and it is far from settled. Genetic research supports the conclusion that there was substantial migration into Britain from the continent in c. 1000-875 BCE. It is very likely that the inhabitants of Gaul at that time were already Celtic speakers, meaning that they must have brought Celtic to Britain. However, the strong similarities between Brythonic and Gaulish as late as the 1st century BCE argues against the two languages separating so far back.Evidence from the Arras Culture provides clear indications of a migration of an elite class from Celtic Gaul to Britain in the Iron Age, in the 5th century BCE. However, recent research shows that this migration must have been much larger than originally thought. Furthermore, given the evident status of these arrivals, they may have been in a position to impact the language of the island disproportionately to their genetic impact.

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